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作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org
纽约时报廿日透露，美国布什政府今天在一项文件中正式公布其新国家安全策略，
阐明美国军事策略将转变为对有敌意国家与恐怖团体采取先发制人行动，并首度声
言美国绝不容许其军事优势像在冷战时代一样遭到挑战。
文件并指出，中国领导人对国家的性质迄未作出根本性的选择，中国追求以威胁亚
太邻邦的军事能力提升，只是在走一条过时的老路，「最终只会影响到其所追求的
国家强大」。
美国给中国的忠告是：「社会与政治上的自由，才是那种伟大唯一的根源。」
中国时报消息，在这项长达卅三页的文件中，布什也试图回应外界对美国愈来愈耀
武扬威的批评，他坚称美国将运用其军事和经济力量支持「自由与开放社会」，而
非寻求「单边优势」。它形容这种价值与国家利益结合的策略是「一种独特美国国
际主义」。
这项文件题为「美国的国家安全策略」，是历任美国总统必须提交国会的文件。其
中针对布什政府的外交政策，从国防策略到全球暖化之类的议题，首度做出了全面
性阐释。纽约时报取得一份定稿本影本。
该文件中就美国国家安全揭橥了一种强有力、有时带有攻击性的策略，其程度为雷
根政府时代以来所仅见。其中包括贬抑大部分禁止武器扩散条约，主张改采一种
「反扩散」原则，意指涵盖从飞弹防御到强制裁撤武器或其组件等所有一切。它声
称美国自一九四○年代以来采行的「围堵与吓阻」策略已形同告终。
这项新策略文件中最引人注目的地方之一是，坚称「总统无意容许任何外国强权的
力量追赶上美国，藉以保持美国自十多年前苏联解体以来所享有的大幅领先力量」。
布什的这项文件声称，「我们的部队将强大到足以劝阻潜在敌人扩充军备，期望凌
驾美国的力量或与之匹敌」。由于俄罗斯已无财力与美国在军事支出上较劲，这原
则似乎是针对一些国力正在壮大的强权而发，例如正在扩充传统与核子武力的中国。
该文件的大部分内容则是侧重如何能够运用公共外交、外援以及国际货币基金与世
界银行，赢得其所谓一场不同价值与理念之战，包括「一场为回教世界未来之战」。
尽管如此，批评者几乎肯定可在这项文件中找到其所谓布希政府独断独行的论据。
该文件便在多处表明，当美国的重要利益遭到威胁时，绝无妥协余地。
这项文件中辩称，虽然美国会寻求盟邦协助其对抗恐怖主义，但「如有必要，我们
将毫不迟疑地单独行动，采取先发制人之举，行使我们的自卫权」。这包括「说服
或强迫一些国家承担其至高无上的责任」，别援助恐怖分子。
这项文件并颂扬布希于去年决定退出美俄反弹道飞弹条约，原因为该条约阻碍美国
建构飞弹防御系统。它也提及禁止武器扩散条约未能防止伊朗、北韩、伊拉克及其
他国家取得大规模毁灭性武器，并表示美国绝不让其公民受制于新成立的国际刑事
法庭，因为「其管辖权不及于美国人」。
该文件中则未提及京都议定书之事，但设定了一项削减美国温室气体排放量的「整
体目标」，亦即「未来十年每经济活动单位削减一八％」。美国政府表示，就其对
环境科学的现况看来，这是一个合理目标。但批评者指出这项目标是自愿性的，让
美国的温室气体排放量有随着经济扩张增加的庞大空间。
另据中国时报报道，在这份三十三页的报告里，布希总统告诉国会，美国的军事优
势（Military Supremacy）是无与伦比的，绝不容许任何强权像冷战时代那样向美
国挑战，也就是说，美国要藉军事及经济的绝对优势，把自己定于一尊，并肩负起
维护世界自由民主的责任，以及自由企业的成果，使之成为普世的价值及潮流。
报告中对于台湾只有一句话，即是根据台湾关系法，美国对台湾的自卫（self-defense）
有承诺，而在这个问题上，美国和中国有很深的歧见。同时指中国追求军事能力的
现代化，足以威胁亚太地区的邻国，所谓邻国（neighbors），当然包括台湾在内。
报告说美国和中国的关系，「是美国促进亚太地区稳定、和平与繁荣战略的重要部
份」。「中国民主的发展对未来是关键」，报告说。
这份报告以一页多的篇幅叙述美中关系，包括反恐的合作在内，但指出中国虽经历
了四分之一世纪的改革，去除了共产遗毒最坏的成分，可是中国领导人对国家的性
质迄未作出根本性的选择，而中国追求是以威胁亚太邻邦的军事能力提升，只是在
走一条过时的老路，「最终只会影响到其所追求的国家强大」。
美国给中国的忠告是：「社会与政治上的自由，才是那种伟大唯一的根源。」美国
会欢迎出现一个「强大、和平、繁荣的中国」，也愿缩小双方的分歧，扩大合作面。
========
Bush to Outline Doctrine of Striking Foes First
By DAVID E. SANGER
ＷASHINGTON, Sept. 19 — On Friday, the Bush administration will publish
its first comprehensive rationale for shifting American military strategy
toward pre-emptive action against hostile states and terrorist groups developing
weapons of mass destruction. The strategy document will also state, for the
first time, that the United States will never allow its military supremacy
to be challenged the way it was during the cold war.
In the 33-page document, Mr. Bush also seeks to answer the critics of growing
American muscle-flexing by insisting that the United States will exploit
its military and economic power to encourage "free and open societies,"
rather than seek "unilateral advantage." It calls this union of values and
national interests "a distinctly American internationalism."
The document, titled "The National Security Strategy of the United States,"
is one that every president is required to submit to Congress. It is the
first comprehensive explanation of the administration's foreign policy,
from defense strategy to global warming. A copy of the final draft was obtained
by The New York Times.
It sketches out a far more muscular and sometimes aggressive approach to
national security than any since the Reagan era. It includes the discounting
of most nonproliferation treaties in favor of a doctrine of "counterproliferation,
" a reference to everything from missile defense to forcibly dismantling
weapons or their components. It declares that the strategies of containment
and deterrence — staples of American policy since the 1940's — are all
but dead. There is no way in this changed world, the document states, to
deter those who "hate the United States and everything for which it stands."
"America is now threatened less by conquering states than we are by failing
ones," the document states, sounding what amounts to a death knell for many
of the key strategies of the cold war.
One of the most striking elements of the new strategy document is its insistence
"that the president has no intention of allowing any foreign power to catch
up with the huge lead the United States has opened since the fall of the
Soviet Union more than a decade ago."
"Our forces will be strong enough," Mr. Bush's document states, "to dissuade
potential adversaries from pursuing a military buildup in hopes of surpassing,
or equaling, the power of the United States." With Russia so financially
hobbled that it can no longer come close to matching American military spending,
the doctrine seemed aimed at rising powers like China, which is expanding
its conventional and nuclear forces.
Administration officials who worked on the strategy for months say it amounts
to both a maturation and an explanation of Mr. Bush's vision for the exercise
of America power after 20 months in office, integrating the military, economic
and moral levers he holds.
Much of the document focuses on how public diplomacy, the use of foreign
aid, and changes in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank can
be used to win what it describes as a battle of competing values and ideas
— including "a battle for the future of the Muslim world."
The president put the final touches on the new strategy last weekend at
Camp David after working on it for months with his national security adviser,
Condoleezza Rice, and with other members of the national security team.
In its military hawkishness, its expressions of concern that Russian reforms
could be undermined by the country's elite, and its focus on bolstering
foreign aid — especially for literacy training and AIDS — it particularly
bears the stamp of Ms. Rice's thinking.
A senior White House official said Mr. Bush had edited the document heavily
"because he thought there were sections where we sounded overbearing or
arrogant." But at the same time, the official said, it is important to foreclose
the option that other nations could aspire to challenge the United States
militarily, because "once you cut off the challenge of military competition,
you open up the possibility of cooperation in a number of other areas."
Still, the administration's critics at home and abroad will almost certainly
find ammunition in the document for their argument that Mr. Bush is only
interested in a multilateral approach as long as it does not frustrate his
will. At several points, the document states clearly that when important
American interests are at stake there will be no compromise.
The document argues that while the United States will seek allies in the
battle against terrorism, "we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary,
to exercise our right of self-defense by acting pre-emptively." That includes
"convincing or compelling states to accept their sovereign responsibilities"
not to aid terrorists, the essence of the doctrine Mr. Bush declared on
the night of Sept. 11, 2001.
The White House delayed releasing the document this week so that its lengthy
discussion of conditions under which the United States might take unilateral,
pre-emptive action would not dominate delicate negotiations in the United
Nations or the testimony of administration officials who appeared at Congressional
hearings to discuss Iraq.
The new strategy departs significantly from the last one published by President
Clinton, at the end of 1999.
Mr. Clinton's strategy dealt at length with tactics to prevent the kind
of financial meltdowns that threatened economies in Asia and Russia. The
Bush strategy urges other nations to adopt Mr. Bush's own economic philosophy,
starting with low marginal tax rates. While Mr. Clinton's strategy relied
heavily on enforcing or amending a series of international treaties, from
the 1972 Antiballistic Missile Treaty to the Comprehensive Nuclear Test
Ban Treaty to Kyoto protocols on the environment, Mr. Bush's strategy dismisses
most of those efforts.
In fact, the new document — which Mr. Bush told his staff had to be written
in plain English because "the boys in Lubbock ought to be able to read it"
— celebrates his decision last year to abandon the ABM treaty because it
impeded American efforts to build a missile defense system. It recites the
dangers of nonproliferation agreements that have failed to prevent Iran,
North Korea, Iraq and other countries from obtaining weapons of mass destruction,
and says that the United States will never subject its citizens to the
newly created International Criminal Court, "whose jurisdiction does not
extend to Americans."
The document makes no reference to the Kyoto accord, but sets an "overall
objective" of cutting American greenhouse gas emissions "per unit of economic
activity by 18 percent over the next 10 years." The administration says
that is a reasonable goal given its view of the current state of environmental
science. Its critics, however, point out that the objective is voluntary,
and allows enormous room for American emissions to increase as the American
economy expands.
The doctrine also describes at great length the administration's commitment
to bolstering American foreign aid by 50 percent in the next few years in
"countries whose governments rule justly, invest in their people and encourage
economic freedom." It insists that the programs must have "measurable results"
to assure that the money is actually going to the poor, especially for schools,
health care and clean water.
作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org |
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- 请比较人民日报的说法 -- 新鬼 - (1546 Byte) 2002-9-21 周六, 上午6:57 (137 reads)
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