安魂曲 [个人文集]
加入时间: 2004/02/14 文章: 12787
经验值: 0
|
|
|
作者:安魂曲 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org
1)我也算时代周刊的忠实订户了,我熟悉时代周刊的风格,不相信时代周刊的记者会做出“当局丝毫不能容忍任任何形式的、哪怕是最微小的政治上的异议“这样盖棺论定的主观判断。。。对比原文之后,我才发现原来中文的翻译者是故意在这里改动了原文的意思,偷换了一些概念,以达成“利用外国人文章丑化中共“的政治目的----
时代周刊的原文是:The five-year filmmaking ban imposed by Chinese authorities on director Lou Ye is just the latest signal from Beijing that its tolerance for even minor signs of dissent has shrunk dramatically.
稍微懂点英文的人都应当知道这句话应该如此翻译才算基本忠实原文:
“中国当局对娄烨导演发出的五年禁令不过是北京对外发出的一个最新信号:那就是它对哪怕很小之政治异议的容忍度正在迅速地减小。“
----显然,根据原文的意思,中共当局对政治意义的容忍度虽然在“迅速减小”,但却并非已经到了“连哪怕是最微小的也不能容忍“的这种程度(否则还“迅速减小“个屁);原文也根本没有提到“当局丝毫不能容忍任何形式的。。。政治异议“这层意思。
因此,把时代周刊的这段原文翻译成什么“当局丝毫不能容忍任任何形式的、哪怕是最微小的政治上的异议“,根本就违反了原文的本来意思,尤其脱离了时代周刊文章一贯具备的客观谨慎、不偏不倚风格!
相信某中文“译者“强加给原文“连哪怕是最微小的也不能容忍“这层根本不存在的意思,其目的不过是想教育中国人:目前的中国大陆不存在任何异议的空间,因此对中共不能抱有任何幻想罢了。。。问题是这种强奸原文为政治服务的做法不仅极端恶劣,而且也恰恰是一种对中国读者的欺骗和愚弄,颇得中共“洋为中用“之真传。
2)就事论事这也根本算不得什么“北京发出的。。。连哪怕是最微小的也不能容忍的。。。一个最新信号“,因为自从六四以来,中共就从没有容忍过涉及六四的任何作品和讨论。。。事实上对当局来说,六四问题可绝不是什么“最微小的政治上的异议“,如果他们居然能容忍娄烨拍那样的电影,那倒反而真是“忽如一夜春风来“的政治大事件了。
“据《时代周刊》西蒙·爱列根特(Simon Elegant)报导,最近,中国电影导演娄烨被当局处以5年不能拍片的处罚,这是北京发出的一个最新信号,表明当局丝毫不能容忍任任何形式的、哪怕是最微小的政治上的异议。“
《时代周刊》:北京当局动手收拾那些不听话者
(2006年9月07日)
(编者按:此文是媒体综合报道,原出处贺标题不详)
据西方媒体的报导,一年半来,北京当局已经动手陆续地收拾那些不听话的记者、维权活动者和基督教徒,现在又轮到电影制作者了,因为他胆敢“冒天下之大不韪”,公开对“六四”持异议。许多分析人士认为,这可能是在2008年奥运会前要“清场”和“禁声”的警告。
六四仍是禁忌话题
据《时代周刊》西蒙·爱列根特(Simon Elegant)报导,最近,中国电影导演娄烨被当局处以5年不能拍片的处罚,这是北京发出的一个最新信号,表明当局丝毫不能容忍任任何形式的、哪怕是最微小的政治上的异议。根据中国官方媒体报导,娄烨今年年初未经中国政府审查就拿自己的电影《颐和园》“擅自”参赛戛纳电影节。尽管该影片只是一部言情片,但是,故事描述了发生在1989年天安门六四期间的学生运动,这在中国政界仍然是一个极为敏感的话题。
在过去的18个月里,中国的异议份子被逮捕、拘留和判刑的数量持续增加,当局的目的显然是要限制人们在政治上更自由的表述,不仅仅是艺术,宗教、网络,以及国营和外资媒体,都受到了牵连。
上周,记者程翔被指控为台湾间谍,判5年监禁,他的家人和律师都坚持说这是莫须有的罪名。这名香港出生的记者为新加坡《海峡时报》工作。而几天前,《纽约时报》北京办事处的研究员赵岩因为被控欺诈罪判3年监禁。两人已经实际已经服刑几年。一些报社里敢于说真话的记者和编辑也纷纷被解职、拘留或者判刑,他们的律师说,他们被控告的都是某些典型莫须有的罪名。
另外,盲人维权律师陈光诚于上周被判4年3月徒刑。他被控的罪名是“故意毁坏财物和聚众扰乱交通秩序”。陈光诚以帮助在中国家庭生育政策下被迫流产或者绝育的妇女着名,他说他将对山东临沂法院的判决上诉。为陈光诚辩护的人说,实际上陈是因为大胆地揭露了临沂妇女被强迫绝育的情况,而多次触犯了当地政府官员。支持陈的人说,那些出庭监督法院的官员,就是陈所冒犯的官员,这绝对不是一种巧合。
近来几个月,北京也加强了对宗教事务的控制。今年7月初,受信徒们尊重的牧师和宗教届活跃人士张荣亮被判7年半监禁,而他的罪名完全与宗教无关,是“伪造护照”。同月,82岁的地下基督教主教姚良与另外一名牧师一起被捕。7月29日,杭州市基督徒与公安发生冲突,起因是政府要求拆毁他们修建的一座教堂,数千名信徒聚集抗议,引来公安的血腥镇压。
北京高层策略是双管齐下
《时代周刊》的这篇报导还说,在中国,不论什么时候,想要猜测高层共产党官僚此类决策的动机,都属于一种毫无结果、毫无意义的行为。中国问题观察家对这些决定到底是中央下达的,还是地方官僚的独断专行,仍然就抱有不同的看法。例如,以陈光诚一案为例作分析,人们就没有办法了解到,对他的判刑,到底是由地方官僚自己决定的,还是北京遥控的。
有一些人推测,中国政府近期的一系列镇压举动,是国家主席胡锦涛在借此展示自己的力量,以期巩固自己在党内权力斗争中相对软弱的地位。对异议份子的打击行动,也是为了在2008年奥运会前,清楚警告那些到时候可能会给北京丢脸的潜在异议份子。中国当局对像奥运会这种大型公众活动前的媒体报导都非常敏感。许多分析家指出,北京还有意识地在胡锦涛于5月访问华盛顿后,才展开最新的一轮镇压和判决。
位于华盛顿的卡内基国际和平基金会(Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)的中国项目主任及高级研究员裴敏欣(Pei Minxin)认为,这是北京当局的一次“联合行动。”他说:“镇压异议者行动的主要方针就是要坚决、强硬。当今北京领导层的策略是双管齐下。他们一面试着颁布有利于社会底层的政策,例如,减少农村的税收和帮助他们增加支出。另一面,当局又加强政治控制,并盯住那些麻烦制造者。”
《时代周刊》的报导最后说,但是,不论这些行动的有什么样的秘而不宣的理由,他们确实起了震撼人心的作用。一名目睹在杭州附近发生的冲突的基督徒说:“当然,我们会变得很害怕。这叫做杀鸡警猴。他们用我们来作样子,这样,其他地方的基督徒就会听话了。”
《时代周刊》原文
Behind China's Big Chill
The country is cracking down on reporters, activists, Christians and now a filmmaker. Many say the motivation is to silence dissenters in advance of the 2008 Olympics
By SIMON ELEGANT/BEIJING
Posted Tuesday, Sep. 05, 2006
The five-year filmmaking ban imposed by Chinese authorities on director Lou Ye is just the latest signal from Beijing that its tolerance for even minor signs of dissent has shrunk dramatically. According to state media reports, the director entered his latest movie, Summer Palace,at the prestigious Cannes Film Festival earlier this year without seeking approval from Chinese authorities. Although the film is a romance, it is set during the 1989 Tiananmen demonstrations, still very much a sensitive topic in Beijing.
The last 18 months have seen a growing number of arrests, detentions, prison sentences and other measures apparently aimed at heading off greater freedom of expression, not just in the arts, but in religion, the Internet and both the foreign and state-run media. Last week, reporter Ching Cheong was sentenced to five years in prison for allegedly spying for the government of Taiwan, a charge his family and lawyers say is unfounded. The Hong Kong-born journalist was working for the Singapore Straits Times when he was arrested. A few days earlier, Zhao Yan, a researcher in the New York Times' Beijing bureau, was handed a three-year sentence for fraud. Both men have already spent several years in prison. Other outspoken reporters and editors at Chinese publications have been fired from their jobs, detained or sentenced to prison terms for what their lawyers say are patently trumped-up charges.
Blind public interest lawyer Chen Guangcheng, meanwhile, found himself on the receiving end of a four-year, three-month sentence last week. He was charged with obstructing traffic and damaging property. Chen, who is best known for his work on behalf of women forced to undergo abortions or sterilizations as part of the nation's family-planning campaign, has said he will appeal the sentence, handed down by a court in his native town of Linyi. Chen has repeatedly angered local party officials in Linyi, particularly through his revelations about the forced sterilization program run in the area. Supporters say it is no coincidence that those same officials oversee the court that sentenced the activist.
Recent months have also seen a tightening of control over religious affairs, an area where Beijing had previously wielded a relatively light touch. In early July, respected preacher and religious activist Zhang Rongliang was jailed for seven and a half years on a pointedly non-religious charge: forging a passport. Later the same month, 82-year-old underground Catholic bishop Yao Liang was arrested along with another priest, according to Catholic activists. And on July 29 the resort city of Hangzhou was the site of what some witnesses call the biggest confrontation between security forces and Christians, a bloody clash over the demolition of a church involving thousands of protesters and police.
As ever in China, figuring out exactly what senior Communist Party cadres intend by such actions is a frustrating and sometimes fruitless exercise. China watchers remain divided about just how centrally coordinated such actions are. In the case of Chen Guangcheng, for example, it is unclear whether his sentence was solely decided by local officials or sanctioned — even tacitly — by Beijing. Some speculate that China's President Hu Jintao is putting on a show of strength to bolster his relatively weak grip on the reins of power; the crackdown is seen as clearing the decks of potentially embarrassing dissenters before Beijing hosts the Olympic Games in the summer of 2008. The Chinese authorities are particularly sensitive to media coverage in periods leading up to major events like the Games. Many analysts note also that the latest round of sentencing was pointedly held up until after President Hu's visit to Washington in May.
"It is a concerted effort," by Beijing, argues Pei Minxin, director of the China Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, D.C. "The guiding principle in the crackdown is the old mind-set: toughness works. The leadership has a two-pronged strategy. On the one hand, it tries to adopt policies that appear to be populist and friendly to the downtrodden, such as cutting rural taxes and increasing spending. On the other, it intensifies political control and targets troublemakers."
Whatever the reasons behind them, though, there is little doubt that the jailings and other measures are having a chilling impact. "Of course it makes us scared," says one Christian who witnessed the clash at Hangzhou. "We call it killing the chicken to scare the monkey. They are using us as an example so that other Christians in the rest of the country are obedient."
作者:安魂曲 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org |
|
|